Difficulties with anonymous shortlisting of medical school applications and its effects on candidates with non-European names: prospective cohort study
Andrew B Lumb, Andy Vail
Critical Appraisal
To help you with your
critical appraisal skills we are putting "points to note"
at the end of all the papers in the studentBMJ. Read and appraise
the paper, then check our box to see if you agree with us.
Abstract
Objective To assess the feasibility of anonymous shortlisting
of applications for medical school and its effect on those with
non-European names.
Design Prospective cohort study.
Setting Leeds school of medicine, United Kingdom. Subjects
2047 applications for 1998 entry from the United Kingdom and the
European Union.
Intervention Deletion of all references to name and nationality
from the application form.
Main outcome measures Scoring by two admissions tutors at
shortlisting.
Results Deleting names was cumbersome as some were repeated
up to 15 times. Anonymising application forms was ineffective as
one admissions tutor was able to identify nearly 50% of candidates
classed as being from an ethnic minority group. Although scores
were lower for applicants with non-European names, anonymity did
not improve scores. Applicants with non-European names who were
identified as such by tutors were significantly less likely to drop
marks in one particular non-academic area (the career insight component)
than their European counterparts.
Conclusions There was no evidence of benefit to candidates
with non-European names of attempting to blind assessment. Anonymising
application forms cannot be recommended.
Introduction
In the United Kingdom there is huge competition to study medicine,
with in excess of 13 000 applications through the Universities and
Colleges Admissions Service for just over 4000 places. A series
of recent studies has found that the likelihood of success is less
among applicants from ethnic minority groups than among white applicants.1-6
A study based on 1991 entry indicated that the situation was improving.5
Even so, when seven other mainly academic aspects of the application
were taken into account, not being from an ethnic minority group
remained a significant predictor of success. A recent study looking
at all home applicants for entry in 1996 and 1997 found a greater
disadvantage for applicants from ethnic minority groups than previously.6
This study was, however, limited for technical reasons by not being
able to include data on GCSE grades, which form a large part of
the selection process and which were important predictors of success
in previous studies.5
Most unsuccessful applicants are rejected solely on assessment
of their application form-that is, at the shortlisting stage before
being invited for interview. It is during shortlisting that students
from ethnic minority groups are believed to be disadvantaged.5
The application form contains no explicit reference to the applicant's
ethnic background, so it seems likely that any discrimination must
be based on the applicant's name. For this reason it has been suggested
that the whole of the shortlisting process be performed anonymously.5
We decided to assess the feasibility of assessing forms anonymously
within the current admissions system of the Universities and Colleges
Admissions Service. In addition, we assessed the impact of doing
so on the shortlisting system we have used at Leeds school of medicine
for the past four years.
Methods
Shortlisting process
Our shortlisting process involves each application form being assessed
separately by two of three admissions tutors (including AL). A score
from zero to 20 points is awarded, made up of four components including
career insight (4 points), non-academic activities (6 points), academic
profile (4 points), and suitability for a medical career as described
by the confidential reference (6 points). When assessing applications,
admissions tutors are unaware of the other selector's score. The
sum of the two scores then forms the sole basis of the decision
to reject, accept, or interview the applicant, although the threshold
values may vary throughout the year according to the numbers and
quality of applications received.
Anonymising forms
We studied all home (including EU) applicants to the medical course
for entry in 1998 except for graduate applications, which are assessed
separately. An admissions clerk, who played no part in the assessment
of applicants, anonymised forms. All text to be deleted was first
overwritten with a red marker pen, which allowed the text underneath
to be easily read, and this comprised the `open' application. The
form was then photocopied, which rendered the highlighted section
indecipherable, and this comprised the `blind' form. The following
text was deleted: full name, email address, country of birth, applicant's
signature, and all references to the applicant's name found in the
personal statement or confidential reference sections. Batches of
about 100 forms with alternate blind and open applications were
sent to each selector, with care being taken to avoid any selector
assessing the same applications twice. In this way selectors always
read alternate open and blind forms of different applicants, and
each form was assessed both open and blind by two different selectors.
The short time available for processing of applications and other
commitments by selectors prohibits equity in the number of forms
assessed and equal randomisation of pairs of selectors.
Assignment of applicants to ethnic group
Ethnic background was determined by two administrative clerks not
concerned with the selection process. From the full name, applicants
with non-European sounding names were classified as from an ethnic
minority group and only coded as such when both clerks regarded
the name as non-European. Although not a strict definition of ethnic
background, this is the definition most relevant to the potential
discrimination under investigation. For each applicant the following
data were recorded: order of application, non-European name, sex,
scores for individual components of the assessment by both selectors,
and final outcome of the application (offer or reject). When assessing
forms blind, selectors were asked to indicate whether they had identified
the applicant as being from an ethnic minority group from information
provided on the form.
Analysis of data
Data were analysed in three stages with spss. Firstly, to confirm
that applicants from ethnic groups receive lower marks, total score
was modelled by linear regression. Secondly, differences between
blind and open scores for each individual were compared to assess
the effect of blinding. Finally, component scores were dichotomised
at about the overall median so that numbers of candidates dropping
more marks than average could be analysed for each component. Our
interest was only in discordant scores, and we had no prior view
as to whether blinded scores would be better or worse than open
scores. Poisson regression of discordant scores was used to assess
whether blinded scores were more worse (or less better) in the applicants
from ethnic minority groups, which would indicate the putative discrimination.
Results
In total, 2047 applications were included in the analysis, of which
1485 (72.5%) were adjudged to have a European name by the administrative
staff. Overall, 166 (29%) forms (including two adjudged European)
were identified as being from an applicant from an ethnic minority
group by the selector assessing the anonymous form, whereas the
remaining 398 were classified as unidentified ethnic minority group
(table 1).
 |
| Table
1 - Identification of blinding by scorer, and percentage
of candidates from ethnic minority groups identified by each
blinded scorer |
 |
| Scorer |
European group |
Unidentified ethnic minority group |
Identified ethnic minority group
|
 |
| A |
512 |
103 |
94 (48) |
 |
| B |
403 |
96 |
63 (40) |
 |
| C |
568 |
199 |
9 (4) |
 |
| Total |
1483 |
398 |
166 (29)* |
 |
| *Includes
two applicants with European names. |
Association of ethnic group with total score
The mean (SD) of total score was 28.7 (4.6) points
(fig 1). The corresponding figures for each group were: European
29.2 (4.3), unidentified ethnic minority 27.2 (5.1), and ethnic
minority identified 27.7 (4.3). This group difference was highly
statistically significant (P<0.0001) by linear regression with
or without adjustment for potentially confounding factors (sex,
time of application, combination of scorers). Early application
and being female (difference 1.3, 95% confidence interval 0.9
to 1.7 points) were also both significantly associated with higher
scores.(See Figure 1)
Comparison of blind and open scoring
The differences between blind and open total scores did not significantly
differ from zero in any of the three groups (fig 2). Using linear
regression to control for confounding factors as above, the unidentified
ethnic minority group had similar differences between blind and
open scores to the European group (0.00, -0.20 to 0.20). The identified
ethnic minority group had larger differences of blind minus open
scores than the European group (0.25, -0.04 to 0.53), points compatible
with minor positive discrimination, but this was not statistically
significant (P=0.09).(See Figure 2)
Analysis of component scores
Analysis of the components of the blind score showed the identified
ethnic minority group to be less likely than the other groups to
drop marks for the career insight component (table 2). In each of
the other components the pattern was that the European candidates
were least likely to drop marks, with the identified and unidentified
ethnic minority groups performing similarly.(See Table 2)
 |
| Table
2 Number (%) of candidates dropping marks on each component
of blinded score |
 |
| Component |
European group (n=1483) |
Unidentified ethnic
minority group (n=398) |
Identified ethnic
minority group (n=166) |
 |
| Career insight* |
579 (39) |
180 (45) |
42 (25) |
 |
| Non-academic activities |
564 (38) |
200 (50) |
85 (51) |
 |
| Academic profile! |
630 (42) |
222 (56) |
92 (55) |
 |
| Career suitability+ |
573 (39) |
175 (44) |
75 (45) |
 |
| Dropped: *>1 of 4 points; >2
of 6 points; !any of 4 points; +>1
of 6 points. |
The differences observed between component scores for the ethnic
groups were assessed for differential effects between blind and
open scoring-that is, for discrimination affected by anonymising
the application form (table 3). For the career insight component,
blinding was found to have a differential effect across the groups.
Whereas European applicants were approximately equally likely to
drop marks on either assessment, fewer applicants from unidentified
ethnic minority groups dropped marks on open assessment and fewer
applicants from identified ethnic minority groups scored worse on
blind assessment. There was no evidence of other such differential
effects for either non-academic activities, academic profile, or
career suitability.
 |
| Table 3 - Comparison between discordant
blind and open component scores. Values are numbers of applicants |
 |
| Component |
European group |
Unidentified ethnic
minority group |
Identified ethnic minority group
|
 |
| Career insight: |
|
|
|
 |
| Good open, poor blind |
263 |
99 |
16 |
 |
| Poor open, good blind |
240 |
51 |
27 |
 |
| Non-academic activities: |
|
|
|
 |
| Good open, poor blind |
210 |
53 |
24 |
 |
| Poor open, good blind |
210 |
68 |
26 |
 |
| Academic profile: |
|
|
|
 |
| Good open, poor blind |
158 |
40 |
18 |
 |
| Poor open, good blind |
157 |
40 |
18 |
 |
| Career suitability: |
|
|
|
 |
| Good open, poor blind |
240 |
50 |
27 |
 |
| Poor open, good blind |
253 |
72 |
28 |
 |
(See Table 3)
Discussion
Defining ethnicity
Classification by non-European name is not identical to ethnicity
(table 4). However, if the lesser success of applicants from ethnic
minority groups at shortlisting is due to discrimination then the
name is the clearest marker of ethnicity available to the selector
and has been shown previously to predict shortlisting outcome.5
(See Table 4)
 |
| Table
4 - Validation of ethnic grouping by admissions clerks.
Values are numbers (percentages) |
 |
| UCAS code |
European group |
Ethnic minority group |
Total |
 |
| White |
1284 (98) |
31 (2) |
1315 |
 |
| Asian |
38 (8) |
436 (92) |
474 |
 |
| Black |
22 (55) |
18 (45) |
40 |
 |
| Other |
17 (31) |
37 (69) |
54 |
 |
| Unrecorded |
30 (70) |
13 (30) |
43 |
 |
| Missing |
94 (78) |
27 (22) |
121 |
 |
| Total |
1485 |
562 |
2047 |
 |
| UCAS: Universities
and Colleges Administration Service. |
Outcome for ethnic minority applicants
In keeping with previous data both nationally and at Leeds school
of medicine, applicants from ethnic minority groups scored less
well than European applicants. Scores peaked just below 31-32 points,
which for entry in 1998 was where the division between reject and
interview and offer occurred. Thus the observed mean difference
of just 1.5 to 2 points influenced the outcome for a large number
of applicants.
Anonymising forms
Making application forms anonymous proved difficult and required
a photocopy of already copied applications, with a further reduction
in legibility of some forms. The applicant's name appears at least
three times on each form and often up to 15 times, so complete removal
required close scrutiny that was time consuming.
Anonymising application forms failed to achieve our aim, with one
assessor able to identify nearly 50% of those deemed to be
from ethnic minority groups. This was mostly found from the personal
statement on the application form in which many applicants write
about cultural activities and beliefs, and from GCSE examination
passes in Asian language subjects. Retrospective questioning showed
that scorer C did not consider the latter sufficient evidence of
ethnic background to warrant classification as ethnic minority group
identified, whereas scorers A and B did, giving rise to the variations
(table 1).
Key messages
- It is cumbersome
to anonymise the current Universities and Colleges Admissions
Service form as a candidate's name may appear up to 15 times
- Anonymised application
forms may still be identified as being from candidates from
ethnic minority groups
- More thorough anonymising
of application forms, such as deletion of cultural activities,
would edit out some personal attributes and may disadvantage
these candidates
- Anonymous assessment
of applications cannot be recommended
Effects of anonymous shortlisting
Even when application forms were successfully anonymised the lack
of difference between open and blinded overall scores suggested
that disadvantage did not result from direct discrimination by selectors.
The only statistically significant difference between blind and
open assessment on any component of the total score pointed to positive
discrimination, with more than anticipated of the ethnic minority
group identified having better blind than open scores. This observation,
on one quite subjective component, led to only a 0.25 (-0.04 to
0.53) difference in total score: not sufficient to make a practical
difference. Nevertheless, any form of discrimination, whether positive
or negative, is highly undesirable and offers another reason why
anonymising applications is detrimental to the fairness of the selection
process. Admissions tutors were aware of this study, and this finding
may indicate a heightened awareness by the selectors that their
performance with respect to racial discrimination was being assessed.
It is possible that the selectors may also, for the same reason,
have avoided negative discrimination during the study period, although
these behaviours are clearly difficult to test.
For applications to be anonymised on a national scale the Universities
and Colleges Admissions Service would have to delete names, which
will be easy when electronic applications become universal. In addition,
applicants and schools would have to avoid referring to names and
other markers of ethnicity throughout the form. If this resulted
in exclusion of outside activities and some GCSE subjects for applicants
from ethnic minority groups, this would clearly increase disadvantage.
To the authors' knowledge the only selection criterion currently
used in the United Kingdom that has been shown to be justifiable
is A level grades, which are reasonable predictors of success in
the first three years at medical school.7 A selection
system based solely on A level grades might therefore be considered
ideal but would continue to disadvantage candidates from some ethnic
minority groups8 and other groups in society, and would
also require the introduction of a lottery system to reduce the
large number of applicants with high A level grades. Although UK
medical schools continue to use selection systems including non-academic
criteria, anonymous application forms cannot be advocated. Further
research is urgently needed to determine whether or not the use
of these criteria is justified.
We thank Miss Ann Gaunt and Ms Sheila Lloyd from the admissions
office for defining those applicants with a non-European name, producing
the anonymous forms, and compiling the database from the application
forms, and Dr Mike Robinson and Dr David Dawson for scoring the
application forms.
Contributors: AL devised the study, arranged the data collection,
and corrected logical and typographical errors in the database.
AV performed all the data analysis, and both authors wrote the paper.
Funding: None.
Competing interests: None declared.
Critical appraisal: points to note
What does this paper tell you?
That anonymising applications for Leeds medical school is
difficult and is not a reliable way of concealing a candidate's
cultural background. Anonymising forms makes no difference
to a candidate's suitability for interview as judged by two
different selectors. The title describes it as a cohort study
because the researchers studied a single cohort or batch of
applications, but it is also a comparative study with each
candidate acting as their own control. Each candidate's anonymised
application was compared with their open one. For each group
(European and non-European) selector's scores are essentially
the same whether anonymised or not.
This study was conducted at a single medical school in the
United Kingdom. The findings may be different at other medical
schools, or even with other selectors at this one. Further,
it examines only one aspect of the selection process and says
little about racism in overall selection.
Should you believe it?
Yes. The research question was clear and the design appropriate.
A randomised trial would have been a good alternative design.
Some of the findings are simple observations. For example,
it took a long time to anonymise the forms, and one selector
saw through it half the time anyway. The others are based
on a reasonable outcome measure although the validity of the
university's scoring system is unclear. Whenever you come
across scores or scales look for assurances that it does what
it's supposed to do (detect depression, predict heart attacks,
weed out bad candidates) and does it consistently between
different users (inter rater reliability). Authors should
mention both in the methods section.
Like many studies, this one could suffer from the Hawthorne
effect, a change in behaviour brought about by being under
scrutiny. The selectors knew they were in a study and that
their attitudes to non European candidates were being tested.
It is possible, even probable, that they tried extra hard
to be fair. The authors mention this in their discussion.
Alison Tonks, studentBMJ
Andrew B Lumb, sub dean for admissions
Email: medal@leeds.ac.uk
Andy Vail, senior medical statistician, School of Medicine, University of Leeds, Worsley Medical and Dental Building, Leeds LS2 9NL
studentBMJ 2000;08:89-130 April ISSN 0966-6494
- McManus IC, Richards P. Admission to medical school. BMJ
1985;290:319-20.
- Collier J, Burke A. Racial and sexual discrimination in the
selection of students for London medical schools. Med Ed
1986;20:86-9.
- McManus IC, Richards P, Maitlis SL. Prospective study of the
disadvantage of people from ethnic minority groups applying to
medical schools in the United Kingdom. BMJ 1989;298:723-6.
- Esmail A, Nelson P, Primarolo D, Toma T. Acceptance into medical
school and racial discrimination. BMJ 1995;310:501-2.
- McManus IC, Richards P, Winder BC, Sproston KA, Styles V. Medical
school applicants from ethnic minority groups: identifying if
and when they are disadvantaged. BMJ 1995;310:496-500.
- McManus IC. Factors affecting likelihood of applicants being
offered a place in medical schools in the United Kingdom in 1996
and 1997: retrospective study. BMJ 1998;317:1111-6.
- McManus IC. From selection to qualification: how and why medical
students change. In: Allen I, Brown P, Hughes P, eds. Choosing
tomorrow's doctors. London: Policy Studies Institute, 1997:60-79.
- Gillborn D, Gipps C. Recent research on the achievements
of ethnic minority pupils. London: HMSO, 1996. (Accepted 15
October 1999)