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The unwelcome sex

Khagendra Bikram Dahal and Sulakshana Tripathi report on female feticide in India


She is 18 weeks pregnant. The woman looks anxiously at the face of the ultrasound technician as he scans her abdomen. As he looks at the monitor, the technician suddenly frowns without saying anything. She understands—she has a female fetus inside her. She takes a deep breath. The brightness of her face is already gone.

“Oh my God, this means that I will have to have an abortion again, for the second time,” she cries helplessly.

In many prenatal diagnostic centres in India, frowning is used as a means to express that the fetus being examined is female. A smile indicates the fetus is male. The technician, however, mentions none of this in his report. Prenatal determination of the sex of a fetus is illegal in India. But once known, the fetus may be terminated if it is female—a phenomenon known as female feticide.

The risks to women of repeated abortion include mental problems, infections, bleeding, uterine injuries leading to rupture, sterility, and even death. And this problem is also prevalent in other countries, including mainland China, Taiwan, South Korea, India, Pakistan, Bangladesh, Nepal, and Vietnam.1

The wrong sex?

This was the woman’s fourth pregnancy. Her first two pregnancies resulted in boys, but her subsequent pregnancies were aborted because prenatal examination identified their sex as female. Her family seems determined. Boys, according to her relatives, will continue the family hierarchy, and so unless she conceives a boy, her subsequent pregnancies will end up with the same fate.

She is not alone. She represents the plight of many Indian women throughout the country. Although the phenomena is widely prevalent, exact data on how many female feticides occur in India every year are not available. In 2002 the Indian Medical Association estimated that about five million female fetuses were aborted each year purely on the grounds that the children would be of the “wrong” sex.2

Dangerous traditions

“Invest 500 now, save 50 000 later!” Signs like these displayed in front of diagnostic centres were common in the 1980s and ’90s but are rare now.3 The message is simple—identify the sex now and save the money you’ll squander as dowry when your daughter marries.

Boys are cheaper because of the dowry system, which is still common in India. Once marriage is confirmed, an often exorbitant amount of money is paid by the parents of the bride to the groom’s family. Although payments of dowry are illegal, it is an accepted tradition in India. And it causes anguish to middle and lower class Indian families because inability to pay enough often means that parents can’t find a well educated and settled groom for their daughter. Most marriages in India are still arranged by the parents.

A woman who cannot pay dowry will have to face hardships in her husband’s home—she may be harassed, tortured, and even killed for not having produced the dowry which the two parties agreed before marriage.4 A conservative estimate in 1995 by the government of India indicates that about 6000 murders and suicides every year are attributable to the problem of dowry.4 The real number may be much higher than this. The system is so deeply rooted in society that the laws that ban it are in effect worthless.

Also, in India, as in many other cultures, boys continue the family name. It is a widely held view that the son should be at the centre of the family fabric, and he is expected to take care of his parents when they become old and frail. For religious reasons, only a son can perform funeral rites for his parents. This, they believe, helps them ascend to heaven after death.

Rising violence

The sex ratio of children—the total number of girls aged 0-6 years per 1000 boys of the same age—in India was 945 in the 1991 census.5 But, in the 2001 census, it dropped to 927. With the exception of one state, Kerala, which has a ratio of 1036, almost all other states in India have fewer girls than boys. The northeastern state of Arunachal Pradesh has only 859 girls per 1000 boys, and Chandigarh, a comparatively prosperous territory, has only 790 girls per 1000 boys. Experts are alarmed by what they say are some of the lowest sex ratios in the world.6

More extreme sex ratios may lead to abductions, trafficking, and increasing violence against women. Men may find it increasingly difficult to find suitable partners. In fact, some people predict that men will probably start paying dowry—but that will only further define women’s position as a commodity—the more you pay, the luckier you get.7

Unlawful but widespread

In 1971 the Medical Termination of Pregnancy Act made abortion legal in India. The law was a healthcare measure to reduce maternal morbidity and mortality resulting from illegal abortions. But this law now serves a different purpose, and the use of abortions to select sex has been rising.

Abortion laws and technical advances, such as high resolution ultrasound, amniocentesis, and chorionic villi sampling, are increasingly used to determine sex with the aim of terminating female fetuses. To curb this the Indian government legislated again in 1994 to prohibit the misuse as well as advertisement of prenatal diagnostic techniques for determining the sex of a fetus leading to female feticide. This forced several diagnostic centres to close down, but many continue.

Legal loopholes

Although prenatal determination of sex and selective abortion are illegal in India, the incidence of female feticide has not decreased. There are two main reasons. Firstly, female feticide is the result of societal attitudes towards women, and such attitudes are not amenable to change by laws alone. The law itself has weaknesses as does its implementation. The first act states termination of pregnancy is allowed if the pregnancy resulted from the failure of a contraceptive. This could be easily misused for selective abortions—how can you prove that a pregnancy was not caused by failure of contraception?

Secondly, given the poor record of implementing laws in India, many doctors and technicians put their economic benefits before the law. “Many doctors ignore the law even though they could lose their medical licence,” says Sharda Jain, a gynaecologist based in New Delhi.8

Ways forward

Fighting female feticide should focus on improving the status of women in society. Ensuring education and property rights and more freedom can help. Fighting sex discrimination is a matter of priority, and widespread awareness programmes are necessary. The Indian government also needs to sort out the loopholes that stop proper implementation of existing laws.

The woman had her third and fourth pregnancies terminated because she wants a boy. How many more fetuses will she have destroyed before she gets a baby of the sex she wants? The gruesome tradition of female feticide is incompatible with the economic and technological advances that India has been making in the past few decades. Female feticide is a dark spot on centuries old Indian civilisation, and it must be stopped.

Khagendra Bikram Dahal intern, Tribhuvan University Teaching Hospital, Kathmandu, Nepal
khagenvikram@hotmail.com
Sulakshana Tripathi second year medical student, Nalanda Medical College, Patna, India
Student BMJ 2008;16:190-191 | 17
  1. Banister J. Son preference in Asia: report of a symposium. Washington, DC: US Census Bureau, 1999. www.census.gov/ipc/www/ebspr96a.html.
  2. Slavic Center for Law and Justice. Priests fight sex-selection abortions in India. Strousbourg: SCLJ, 2002. www.sclj.org/news/nr_010813_priests.asp.
  3. Patel R. The practice of sex selective abortion in India: may you be the mother of a hundred sons. www.ucis.unc.edu/resources/pubs/carolina/abortion.pdf.
  4. Hitchcock A. Rising number of dowry deaths in India. Oak Park, MI: World Socialist Web Site, 2001. www.wsws.org/articles/2001/jul2001/ind-j04.shtml.
  5. Census of India 1991 and 2001. India at a glance: female sex ratio. www.censusindia.net/fsex.html.
  6. Chetan S, Jain D. Technology and its impact on female feticide in India. Folsom, CA: Government Technology, 2005. www.govtech.net/digitalcommunities/story.php?id=94065.
  7. Krantz G, Garcia-Moreno C. Violence against women. J Epidemiol Community Health 2005;59:818-21.
  8. Copeland J. Female feticide. Toronto: CBC News, 2004. www.cbc.ca/news/viewpoint/vp_copeland/20040512.html.
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LIFE
The unwelcome sex
      (Khagendra Bikram Dahal and Sulakshana Tripathi, May 2008)

Daniyal Daud
(May 17th, 2008)
 First year medical student, Newcastle University,  daniyal.daud@newcastle.ac.uk

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The irony of this whole thing is that it's the X chromosome from the sperm, not the ovum, that makes the child a girl, yet it's the woman who is made to suffer for "producing" a girl. It's issues like these that make me ashamed of being an Indian. We still have a long way to go.


LIFE
The unwelcome sex
      (Khagendra Bikram Dahal and Sulakshana Tripathi, May 2008)

Charles N. Horton
(May 20th, 2008)
 Anaesthesiology resident, 3rd year, University of Pittsburgh Medical Center, Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania, USA,  drcharles@gmail.com

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If abortion is truly the mother's choice and nobody else's, then we have no grounds on which to object. Conversely, when we accept that this policy causes massive societal problems in India and China (among other countries), we are forced to acknowledge that abortion kills real people -- not simply "products of conception" or some similar euphemism.

I think much of the discomfort here stems from realizing that abortion on demand is destructive not just to the baby who dies, not just to her mother (who may be left psychologically scarred and infertile), but to society as a whole.




LIFE
The unwelcome sex
      (Khagendra Bikram Dahal and Sulakshana Tripathi, May 2008)

James MacKay
(May 21st, 2008)
 4th year medical student, University of Cambridge,  jwm37@cam.ac.uk

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I read Dahal and Tripathi's article on sex-selective abortion in India (1) with interest, having recently being involved in researching the issue. This is no doubt an important subject, and one that deserves to be highlighted. However, unfortunately this article contains several problematic assumptions typical of the discourse on sex selection in India.

Firstly, the authors refer to the sex ratio of childen in India, a demographic measure which is often commented on in studies of sex selection in India. However, they neglect to mention that the low female-to-male sex ratio is in fact a historical phenomenon. It was present in the first Indian census, carried out in 1871, and has been present ever since. Moreover, several demographers have refuted the claim that sex-selective abortion has had an impact on the present sex ratio.(2) No mention is made of alternative explanations for the sex ratio in India, such as studies of environmental factors which may favour the birth of boys.(3) The proposed consequences of 'extreme' sex ratios are pure conjecture, with very little evidence behind them, especially when the history of the sex ratio is considered.

Secondly, the statement that the reasons for sex-selective abortion are 'deeply rooted in Indian society' is also problematic. This assumption is based a preference for sons in India, due to the increased social and economic value of the male. However, this ignores the fact that sex-selective abortion is occurring in regions where there is no historical record of female infanticide or neglect. Similarly, the statement that the practice of dowry is 'still common' appears to describe the dowry as a historical custom. Yet this takes no account of the spread of the practice of dowry to areas and social groups where it was previously unknown.

Finally, the concluding paragraph's claim that sex-selective abortion is a 'gruesome tradition' which is 'incompatible' with India's social and economic development is perhaps the most problematic of all. Sex-selective abortion did not occur until the introduction of prenatal diagnostic techniques to India. Such techniques (e.g. amniocentesis and ultrasound) were not widely accessible to the general population until the late 1970s at the very earliest. Therefore sex-selective abortion is a recent practice and cannot be referred to as a 'tradition'. More importantly, the claim that it is 'incompatible' with development ignores evidence that social and economic development in India, as well as the adoption of 'Western' values, have in fact significantly contributed to sex selection. Urbanisation, and adoption of the Western model of the small family has meant that instead of continuing to have children until they have a boy, parents wanting to limit the size of their famil ies are now aborting female foetuses. Moreover, increasing disposable incomes mean that more people can afford to use sex selection technologies. Perhaps most significantly, it has been convincingly argued that 'development' has in fact had an adverse effect on the status of women in Indian society.(4) Industrialization and economic growth have only served to enhance gender inequalities in employment: men are thought of as more efficient and more suited to working with new technologies, and these biases are now institutionalised in powerful commercial organisations.

Sex-selective abortion is a practice which undoubtedly has adverse effects, and efforts should be made to stop it. However, to do so we must deconstruct several false assumptions surrounding the problem, in order to truly analyse and understand what is happening.

  1. Dahal KB, Tripathi S. The unwelcome sex. Student BMJ 2008;16:190-191. (May).
  2. e.g. Basu A. Culture, the Status of Women and Demographic Behaviour. Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1992
  3. Teitelbaum MS. Factors Affecting the Sex Ratio in large populations. J Biosoc Sci Suppl 1970;2:61-71.
  4. Sudha S, Rajan SI. Female Demographic Disadvantage in India 1981-1991: Sex Selective Abortions and Female Infanticide. Development and Change 1999:30;585-618.